Gingrich: Sanctions won't stop Putin

Posted by Unknown

Newt Gingrich: Symbolic gestures and even sanctions may not deter Putin He says it's vital to understand Putin's point of view as lifelong national security professional Putin values strength, military might and feels deep-seated grievance over recent history He says Putin is citing international law, precedents to justify his actions in Crimea

Editor's note: Newt Gingrich is a co-host of CNN's "Crossfire," which airs at 6:30 p.m. ET weekdays, and author of a new book, "Breakout: Pioneers of the Future, Prison Guards of the Past, and the Epic Battle That Will Decide America's Fate." A former speaker of the House, he was a candidate in the 2012 Republican presidential primaries.

(CNN) -- "If you know the enemy and know yourself you need not fear the results of a hundred battles." -- Sun Tzu, "The Art of War" (circa 500 BC)

It is time to take Russian President Vladimir Putin seriously. We must develop serious strategies for dealing with a serious man.

Putin has been in charge of Russia since 1999. He is arguably the most effective leader in the world today.

Newt Gingrich Newt Gingrich

The Obama administration's foreign policy, meanwhile, has variously offered Putin a "reset" photo op, likened him to a "slouch ... like that bored kid sitting in the back of the classroom," and most recently, uttered meaningless protests while he annexed the territory of a sovereign state. Monday's cancellation of the G8 summit in Sochi, Russia, was really the minimum that could be done. Of course the United States and its allies could not go forward with the meeting as if nothing had happened.

The symbolic, tactical approach which is the hallmark of the Obama foreign policy is dangerous, delusional and utterly incapable of understanding or coping with a serious leader like Putin.

Indeed, there is a growing danger that the combination of strong words and weak actions (the essence of symbolic liberalism) will lead Putin to believe he can continue to incrementally rebuild the Russian Empire by gradually absorbing various pieces around the periphery.

.cnnArticleGalleryNav{border:1px solid #000;cursor:pointer;float:left;height:25px;text-align:center;width:25px} .cnnArticleGalleryNavOn{background-color:#C03;border:1px solid #000;float:left;height:25px;text-align:center;width:20px} .cnnArticleGalleryNavDisabled{background-color:#222;border:1px solid #000;color:#666;float:left;height:25px;text-align:center;width:25px} .cnnArticleExpandableTarget{background-color:#000;display:none;position:absolute} .cnnArticlePhotoContainer{height:122px;width:214px} .cnnArticleBoxImage{cursor:pointer;height:122px;padding-top:0;width:214px} .cnnArticleGalleryCaptionControl{background-color:#000;color:#FFF} .cnnArticleGalleryCaptionControlText{cursor:pointer;float:right;font-size:10px;padding:3px 10px 3px 3px} .cnnArticleGalleryPhotoContainer cite{background:none repeat scroll 0 0 #000;bottom:48px;color:#FFF;height:auto;left:420px;opacity:.7;position:absolute;width:200px;padding:10px} .cnnArticleGalleryClose{background-color:#fff;display:block;text-align:right} .cnnArticleGalleryCloseButton{cursor:pointer} .cnnArticleGalleryNavPrevNext span{background-color:#444;color:#CCC;cursor:pointer;float:left;height:23px;text-align:center;width:26px;padding:4px 0 0} .cnnArticleGalleryNavPrevNextDisabled span{background-color:#444;color:#666;float:left;height:23px;text-align:center;width:25px;padding:4px 0 0} .cnnVerticalGalleryPhoto{padding-right:68px;width:270px;margin:0 auto} .cnnGalleryContainer{float:left;clear:left;margin:0 0 20px;padding:0 0 0 10px} Ukrainian marines wave as they leave a base in Feodosia, Crimea, on Tuesday, March 25. After Russian troops seized most of Ukraine's bases in Crimea, interim Ukrainian President Oleksandr Turchynov ordered the withdrawal of armed forces from the peninsula, citing Russian threats to the lives of military staff and their families. Ukrainian marines wave as they leave a base in Feodosia, Crimea, on Tuesday, March 25. After Russian troops seized most of Ukraine's bases in Crimea, interim Ukrainian President Oleksandr Turchynov ordered the withdrawal of armed forces from the peninsula, citing Russian threats to the lives of military staff and their families. Russian sailors stand on the deck of the corvette ship Suzdalets in the bay of Sevastopol, Crimea, on March 25. Pro-Russian militia members remove a local resident as Russian troops assault the Belbek air base, outside Sevastopol, on Saturday, March 22. Following its annexation of Crimea, Russian forces have consolidated their control of the region. Soldiers in unmarked uniforms sit atop an armored personnel carrier at the gate of the Belbek air base on March 22. A Russian sailor holds the Russian Navy's St. Andrew's flag while standing on the bow of the surrendered Ukrainian submarine Zaporozhye on March 22 in Sevastopol. Russian President Vladimir Putin signs the final decree completing the annexation of Crimea on Friday, March 21, as Upper House Speaker Valentina Matviyenko, left, and State Duma Speaker Sergei Naryshkin watch. A Ukrainian serviceman leaves a Ukrainian military unit that Russian soldiers took control of in the Crimean city of Perevalne on March 21. Ukrainian border guards run during training at a military camp in Alekseyevka, Ukraine, on March 21. Russian soldiers patrol the area surrounding a Ukrainian military unit in Perevalne on Thursday, March 20. Pro-Russian protesters remove the gate to the Ukrainian navy headquarters as Russian troops stand guard in Sevastopol on Wednesday, March 19. Pro-Russian forces walk inside the Ukrainian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 19. A member of pro-Russian forces takes down a Ukrainian flag at the Ukrainian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 19. Alexander Vitko, chief of the Russian Black Sea Fleet, leaves the Ukrainian navy headquarters in Sevastopol after pro-Russian forces took it over on March 19. A Russian flag waves as workers install a new sign on a parliament building in Simferopol, Crimea's capital, on March 19. Russian military personnel surround a Ukrainian military base in Perevalne on March 19. Nameplates on the front of the Crimean parliament building get removed Tuesday, March 18, in Simferopol. From left, Crimean Prime Minister Sergey Aksyonov; Vladimir Konstantinov, speaker of the Crimean parliament; Russian President Vladimir Putin; and Alexei Chaly, the new de facto mayor of Sevastopol, join hands in Moscow on March 18 after signing a treaty to make Crimea part of Russia. Demonstrators hold a Crimean flag at Lenin Square in Simferopol on March 18. Ukrainian soldiers stand guard at a checkpoint near Strilkove, Ukraine, close to Crimea on Monday, March 17. Former boxer and Ukrainian politician Vitali Klitschko addresses reporters in Kiev, Ukraine, on March 17. Ukrainian troops stand guard in front of the Ukrainian Parliament building in Kiev on March 17. A Ukrainian man applies for the National Guard at a mobile recruitment center in Kiev on March 17. Civilians walk past riot police in Simferopol on March 17. A Ukrainian soldier stands on top of an armored vehicle at a military camp near the village of Michurino, Ukraine, on March 17. Policemen stand guard outside the regional state administration building in Donetsk, Ukraine, during a rally by pro-Russia activists March 17. Armed soldiers stand guard outside a Ukrainian military base in Perevalne on March 17. A man holds a Crimean flag as he stands in front of the Crimean parliament building in Simferopol on March 17. Crimeans holding Russian flags celebrate in front of the parliament building in Simferopol on Sunday, March 16. A Ukrainian police officer tries to shield himself from a road block thrown by pro-Russia supporters in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on March 16. Pro-Russia demonstrators storm the prosecutor general's office during a rally in Donetsk on March 16. A child casts her mother's ballot March 16 while holding a Russian flag at a polling station in Simferopol. A pro-Russian soldier, with the Russian flag behind him, mans a machine gun outside an Ukrainian military base in Perevalne on Saturday, March 15. A pro-Russian soldier guards the perimeter outside an Ukrainian military base in Perevalne on March 15. Russian flags wave in front of a monument dedicated to Soviet Union founder Vladimir Lenin during a pro-Russia rally in Simferopol's Lenin Square on March 15. Evgenyi Batyukhov cries March 14 at the site where pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian activists clashed the night before in Donetsk, Ukraine. A line of policemen stand in front of a bus of pro-Ukrainian activists as pro-Russian supporters confront them during a rally in Donetsk on Thursday, March 13. Pro-Russian supporters clash with pro-Ukrainian activists in Donetsk on March 13. Recent Academy Award winner Jared Leto walks through Independence Square in Kiev on March 13. During his Oscars acceptance speech in early March, the actor spoke to protesters in Ukraine and Venezuela saying, "We're thinking of you tonight." A member of a pro-Russian self-defense unit checks a polling station near Simferopol on March 13. A Ukrainian soldier looks out of the window of a regional military building with a poster reading "Ukraine's armed forces wait for you!" in Donetsk on March 13. An armed Cossack stands guard at a checkpoint on the road from Simferopol to Sevastopol on March 13. A pro-Russian soldier speaks to a truck driver outside the Ukrainian infantry base in Perevalne on Wednesday, March 12. Cossacks stand guard at Crimea's regional parliament building in Simferopol on March 12. Soldiers are seen aboard the Ukrainian ship Slavutych in the harbor of Sevastopol on Tuesday, March 11. Ukrainian naval officers board a boat in front of the Russian minesweeper Turbinist in Sevastopol's harbor on March 11. People shout slogans during a pro-Russia rally in Donetsk on Sunday, March 9. Ukrainian police detain a demonstrator during a pro-Russian rally in Donetsk on March 9. Pro-Russia protesters remove a Ukrainian flag from a flagpole taken from a government building in Donetsk on March 9. Cossacks and other pro-Russian forces stand guard outside a government building in Simferopol on Saturday, March 8. Ukrainian soldiers load armored personnel carriers into boxcars in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv on March 8. Armed men believed to be Russian military march in a village outside Simferopol on Friday, March 7. Pro-Russia protesters demonstrate outside the Belbek air base, near Sevastopol, on Thursday, March 6. A Ukrainian navy officer looks at the scuttled, decommissioned Russian vessel Ochakov from the Black Sea shore outside the town of Myrnyi, Ukraine, on March 6. Russian naval personnel scuttled the ship, blockading access for five Ukrainian naval vessels. A member of the Russian military patrols around Perevalne on March 6. Servicemen guard a checkpoint at a Ukrainian navy base in Perevalne on March 6. Ukrainian troops guard the Belbek air base on March 6. A woman walks past barricades March 6 that were set up by anti-government protesters in Kiev's Independence Square. A sailor guards the Ukrainian Navy ship Slavutych in the Bay of Sevastopol on Wednesday, March 5. People wait in line for food distribution in Independence Square on March 5. Ukrainian sailors carry meat to their vessel in the Sevastopol harbor on March 5. Riot police stand at the entrance of a regional administrative building during a rally in Donetsk on March 5. A Ukrainian police officer gives instructions to members of the media in front of the business class lounge of the Simferopol airport on March 5. Pro-Russia demonstrators wave a Russian flag after storming a regional administrative building in Donetsk on March 5. Demonstrators break a police barrier as they storm a regional administrative building in Donetsk on March 5. Ukrainian military recruits line up to receive instructions in Kiev's Independence Square on Tuesday, March 4. People stand on the Ukrainian Navy ship Slavutych while it's at harbor in Sevastopol on March 4. Mattresses were placed over the side of the ship to hinder any attempted assault. Ukrainian troops watch as a Russian navy ship blocks the entrance of the Ukrainian navy base in Sevastopol on March 4. A woman photographs pro-Russian soldiers guarding Ukraine's infantry base in Perevalne on March 4. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, wearing a blue scarf, visits a shrine March 4 for the people who were killed in February during anti-government protests in Kiev. Yuli Mamchun, the commander of the Ukrainian military garrison at the Belbek air base near Sevastopol, salutes on March 4. Russian soldiers stand guard at the Belbek air base on March 4. Ukrainian military members march at the Belbek air base on March 4. Russian soldiers fire warning shots to keep back Ukrainian military members at the Belbek air base on March 4. A Ukrainian airman puts the Ukrainian national flag over the gate of the Belbek air base as they guard what's left under their control on March 4. Russian soldiers aim a grenade launcher and machine gun as they guard positions at the Belbek air base on March 4. Ukrainian seamen stand guard on the Ukrainian navy ship Slavutych in the Sevastopol harbor on Monday, March 3. Oleg, a Ukrainian soldier, kisses his girlfriend, Svetlana, through the gates of the Belbek base entrance on March 3. Tensions are high at the base, where Ukrainian soldiers were standing guard inside the building while alleged Russian gunmen were standing guard outside the gates. Wives of Ukrainian soldiers walk past Russian soldiers to visit their husbands guarding a military base in Perevalne on March 3. A Russian soldier guards an area outside Ukraine's military base in the village of Perevalne on March 3. A sailor looks out a window near the entrance to the Ukrainian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 3. Armed men in military uniform walk outside a Ukrainian military unit near Simferopol on Sunday, March 2. Hundreds of armed men in trucks and armored vehicles surrounded the Ukrainian base Sunday in Crimea, blocking its soldiers from leaving. Soldiers walk outside a Ukrainian military base in Perevalne as a local resident waves a Russian flag March 2. Demonstrators shout during a rally in Kiev's Independence Square on March 2. Ukrainian soldiers, left, and unidentified gunmen, right, stand at the gate of an infantry base in Perevalne on March 2. Ukrainian soldiers guard a gate of an infantry base in Perevalne on March 2. A woman cries during a rally in Independence Square on March 2. Protesters hold flags of the United States, Germany and Italy during a rally in Independence Square on March 2. People attend a morning prayer service at Independence Square on March 2. A soldier and a truck driver unload bread outside the Ukranian navy headquarters in Sevastopol on March 2. Heavily armed troops, displaying no identifying insignia and who were mingling with local pro-Russian militants, stand guard outside a local government building in Simferopol on March 2. A woman waits in front of unidentified men in military fatigues who were blocking a base of the Ukrainian frontier guard unit in Balaklava, Ukraine, on Saturday, March 1. U.S. President Barack Obama, in the Oval Office of the White House, talks on the phone March 1 with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Troops stand guard in Balaklava on March 1. Heavily armed soldiers displaying no identifying insignia maintain watch in Simferopol on March 1. People gather around the coffin of a man who was killed during clashes with riot police in Independence Square. Pro-Russian activists hold Russian flags during a rally in the center of Donetsk on March 1. Pro-Russian activists clash with Maidan supporters as they storm the regional government building in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on March 1. A protester stands at a memorial March 1 for the people killed in clashes at Independence Square. Armed men patrol outside the Simferopol International Airport on Friday, February 28. An image provided to CNN by a local resident shows Russian tanks on the move in Sevastopol. Russian troops block a road February 28 toward the military airport in Sevastopol. The Russian Black Sea Fleet is based at the port city. Armed men stand guard in front of a building near the Simferopol airport on February 28. An armed man wearing no identifying insignia patrols outside Simferopol International Airport on February 28. Police stand guard outside the Crimea regional parliament building Thursday, February 27, in Simferopol. Armed men seized the regional government administration building and parliament in Crimea. Police intervene as Russian supporters gather in front of the parliament building in Simferopol on February 27. A man adds fuel to a fire at a barricade in Independence Square on February 27. Dozens of people were killed during clashes between security forces and protesters. Pro-Russia demonstrators wave Russian and Crimean flags in front of a local government building in Simferopol on February 27. Barricades in front of a government building in Simferopol on February 27 hold a banner that reads: "Crimea Russia." There's a broad divide between those who support the pro-Western developments in Kiev and those who back Russia's continued influence in Crimea and across Ukraine. Protesters stand in front of a government building in Simferopol on February 27. Tensions have simmered in the Crimea region since the ouster of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych. Protesters in support of the president's ouster rally in Independence Square, which has been the center of opposition, on Wednesday, February 26. Security forces stand guard during clashes between opposing sides in front of Crimea's parliament building in Simferopol on February 26. Pro-Russian demonstrators, right, clash with anti-Russian protesters in front of a government building in Simferopol on February 26. A police officer gets pulled into a crowd of Crimean Tatars in Simferopol on February 26. The Tatars, an ethnic minority group deported during the Stalin era, rallied in support of Ukraine's interim government. A man places flowers at a barricade near Independence Square on February 26. On February 26 in Kiev, a woman holds a photograph of a protester killed during the height of tensions. Police guard a government building in Donetsk on February 26. Protesters remove a fence that surrounds Ukraine's parliament in Kiev on February 26. People sing the Ukrainian national anthem at Independence Square on Monday, February 24. Gas masks used by protesters sit next to a barricade in Independence Square on February 24. A woman cries February 24 near a memorial for the people killed in Kiev. People wave a large Ukrainian flag in Independence Square on Sunday, February 23. Two pro-government supporters are made to pray February 23 in front of a shrine to dead anti-government protesters. A man and his daughter lay flowers at a memorial for protesters killed in Independence Square. Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko speaks at Independence Square on Saturday, February 22, hours after being released from prison. Tymoshenko, considered a hero of a 2004 revolution against Yanukovych, was released after 2½ years behind bars. Tymoshenko is greeted by supporters shortly after being freed from prison in Kharkiv on February 22. A protester guards the entrance to Yanukovych's abandoned residence outside Kiev on February 22. Anti-government protesters guard the streets next to the presidential offices in Kiev on February 22. Anti-government protesters drive a military vehicle in Independence Square on February 22. Many protesters said they wouldn't leave the square until Yanukovych resigned. Ukrainian lawmakers argue during a session of Parliament on Friday, February 21. Men in Kiev carry a casket containing the body of a protester killed in clashes with police. Protesters cheer after news of an agreement between the opposing sides in Kiev on February 21. Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine Crisis in Ukraine HIDE CAPTION << < 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 > >> Photos: Crisis in Ukraine Photos: Crisis in Ukraine Fareed's Take: Putin's Crimea invasion

In the year in which we mark the 100th anniversary of the beginning of World War I, danger will grow dramatically if Putin decides to put pressure on Estonia, which is a member of NATO.

Cut off from Disney World

But there is a second and more likely danger.

Symbolic liberalism has its own logic and lives in its own fantasy land. It loves sanctions because they are nonmilitary, nonviolent, and they sound tough.

President Obama and his allies are now talking about putting pressure on Putin through a variety of sanctions.

With visa bans, they have even cut off trips to Disney World for some key Russian officials.

There are, however, three things that make sanctions against Russia a very dangerous and probably unprofitable game.

First, Russia is a big country with a lot of resources. Putin can compensate every official sanctioned by West. If we aren't careful, Russians will be begging to get sanctioned so they rise in prestige inside Putin's world and get rewarded by Putin.

Second, there are a lot of countries that care more about either working with Russia or undermining the United States than they do about the Obama administration's posturing. The Chinese have shown no interest in joining an anti-Putin coalition. (In fact, they may be studying Putin's maneuvers in Crimea as a useful precedent for retaking territories they claim.)

The Chinese, like the leaders of many countries, are very happy to see the United States once again embroiled in a fight which undermines American credibility, absorbs the attention of American leaders, and accomplishes nothing. It is very hard to see how a sanctions regime is going to seriously impact Putin.

Third, there are a lot of ways the Russians can make life more difficult for the United States and our allies. Putin has already indicated he will meet our travel visa bans with Russian travel visa bans on American officials. Russia has been very supportive over Iran and very supportive of a northern route for supplies to American forces in Afghanistan. All of that can end. There are a number of large American companies with big investments in Russia. There is a lot the Russian government can do in buying and selling our bonds and in manipulating the oil and gas markets. There are a lot of Russian weapons that can end up in a lot of anti-American hands. Non-cooperation will pretty rapidly turn out to be a two-way street.

Take a deep breath

This is not to suggest we should do nothing.

It is a suggestion that we take a deep breath and understand that we are on the edge of a much bigger problem than symbolic rhetoric and public tantrums can solve.

We do not want a major war with Russia.

We also do not want to drift into a badly thought-out impromptu new Cold War that we have given no serious thought to winning.

Posturing from press conference to press conference and from one expedient to the next expedient is extraordinarily dangerous on national security issues.

Gingrich: A strategy for dealing with Russia

We need strategic thinking, strategic planning and a set of strategic goals and patterns to achieve them. None of that exists in the current administration's floundering.

The first step in strategic planning is to know your opponent, as Sun Tzu said more than 2,500 years ago.

A speech worth studying

Fortunately for us, Putin gave a major speech March 18. Anyone thinking about strategy for dealing with Russia should study that speech carefully.

That speech makes clear that Vladimir Putin is a very serious man who has put a lot of thought into what he believes and what he is doing. It is a speech filled with historic references both to the Russian past and to the recent activities of the United States.

First, Putin put the Crimean situation in a deeply Russian context:

"Everything in Crimea speaks of our shared history and pride. This is the location of ancient Khersones, where Prince Vladimir was baptized. His spiritual feat of adopting Orthodoxy predetermined the overall basis of the culture, civilization and human values that unite the peoples of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The graves of Russian soldiers whose bravery brought Crimea into the Russian empire are also in Crimea. This is also Sevastopol -- a legendary city with an outstanding history, a fortress that serves as the birthplace of Russia's Black Sea Fleet. Crimea is Balaklava and Kerch, Malakhov Kurgan and Sapun Ridge. Each one of these places is dear to our hearts, symbolizing Russian military glory and outstanding valor."

Note that Putin regards military glory and valor as positive traits to be emulated. Compare that with the tendencies of symbolic liberals toward merely symbolic actions and you can sense a mismatch of force and risk-taking on the horizon.

Second, Putin puts the blame on the Soviets for having pushed Russians into eastern Ukraine, and specifically on Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet leader at the time, for having taken Crimea away from Russia and given it to Ukraine in 1954. He is both setting the stage for a potential conflict over eastern Ukraine and reminding Westerners that a lot of this was done under the Soviet dictatorship and was illegitimate.

Note also his reference to God judging the Bolsheviks:

"After the revolution, the Bolsheviks, for a number of reasons -- may God judge them -- added large sections of the historical South of Russia to the Republic of Ukraine. This was done with no consideration for the ethnic makeup of the population, and today these areas form the southeast of Ukraine."

'Robbed and plundered'

Third, Americans must understand how deeply Putin, a former KGB colonel, rejects the collapse of the Soviet Union and the breakup of the empire. Note the sense of having been "robbed" and "plundered":

"It was only when Crimea ended up as part of a different country that Russia realized it was robbed, it was plundered."

Putin is also setting the stage for a series of ethnic crises around the periphery. Note his claim that the "Russian nation became one of the biggest, if not the biggest ethnic group in the world to be divided by borders."

You can produce a map of the ethnic borderlands and have a pretty good sense of where there may be future efforts to reunite Russians with Russia and to "protect" Russians from repression. Trans-Dniester, eastern Ukraine, part of Kazakhstan, Byelorussia and Estonia become the most obvious opportunities for conflict.

Indeed, Putin warns about anti-Russian repression in a way that could be applied to all those other countries:

"Time and time again attempts were made to deprive Russians of their historical memory, even of their language, and to subject them to forced assimilation. Moreover, Russians, just as other citizens of Ukraine, are suffering from the constant political and state crisis that has been rocking the country for over 20 years."

'Terror, murder and riots'

Putin goes on to warn that a lot of the problems are not natural tensions within countries but are in fact caused by deliberate and dangerous interventions from overseas. While he doesn't cite it, the Victoria Nuland telephone call, in which the U.S. diplomat belittled the EU -- which was probably taped and released by the Russians -- was a clear example of Americans being very deeply engaged in Ukrainian internal politics. Here is how Putin described the general pattern:

"Those who stood behind the latest events in Ukraine had a different agenda: They were preparing yet another government takeover; they wanted to seize power and would stop short of nothing. They resorted to terror, murder and riots. Nationalists, neo-Nazis, Russophobes and anti-Semites executed this coup. They continue to set the tone in Ukraine to this day."

Note that Putin is setting up a model of Russia defending against American and other foreign interference as a nationalist pattern of defensive behavior in which he is being forced to intervene by bad outsiders.

This need for defensive reaction by Russia is applied directly to Crimea but also with a warning that it could extend to eastern Ukraine:

"Those who opposed the coup were immediately threatened with repression. Naturally, the first in line here was Crimea, the Russian-speaking Crimea. In view of this, the residents of Crimea and Sevastopol turned to Russia for help in defending their rights and lives, in preventing the events that were unfolding and are still underway in Kiev, Donetsk, Kharkov and other Ukrainian cities.

"Naturally, we could not leave this plea unheeded; we could not abandon Crimea and its residents in distress. This would have been betrayal on our part."

Putin is setting the stage for future crises, in which Russia will be forced not to "betray" other ethnic Russians.

Comparison to Kosovo

In a serious example of just how smart Putin is, he promptly wraps himself in the United Nations charter and international law:

"As it declared independence and decided to hold a referendum, the Supreme Council of Crimea referred to the United Nations charter, which speaks of the right of nations to self-determination. Incidentally, I would like to remind you that when Ukraine seceded from the USSR it did exactly the same thing, almost word for word. Ukraine used this right, yet the residents of Crimea are denied it. Why is that?

"Moreover, the Crimean authorities referred to the well-known Kosovo precedent -- a precedent our Western colleagues created with their own hands in a very similar situation, when they agreed that the unilateral separation of Kosovo from Serbia, exactly what Crimea is doing now, was legitimate and did not require any permission from the country's central authorities. Pursuant to Article 2, Chapter 1 of the United Nations charter, the U.N. International Court agreed with this approach and made the following comment in its ruling of July 22, 2010, and I quote: 'No general prohibition may be inferred from the practice of the Security Council with regard to declarations of independence,' and 'General international law contains no prohibition on declarations of independence.' Crystal clear, as they say."

Here Putin is challenging the American government to look at its own record. The United States took Kosovo away from Serbia. (Remember that Serbia has historically been a Russian ally for over a century and there are deep ethnic and linguistic ties.) The Russians hated the United States bombing of Serbia and noted that there was no referendum for Serbs to participate in. In the Russian view, Crimea is more legitimate than Kosovo.

Furthermore Putin is warning that the United States' aggressiveness in coalitions of the willing and its habit of jumping into conflicts when it chooses set a precedent other powerful countries can follow (and here the Chinese potential may be even more dangerous than the Russian).

Symbolic liberals, with their passion for the rule of international law, may suddenly find themselves debating someone who can plausibly claim they're the lawbreakers and he is merely obeying international law.

'Trying to sweep us into a corner'

Putin goes on to suggest that cultural imperialism by the United States and its Western allies explains the turmoil in much of the Middle East:

"There was a whole series of controlled 'color' revolutions. Clearly, the people in those nations, where these events took place, were sick of tyranny and poverty, of their lack of prospects; but these feelings were taken advantage of cynically. Standards were imposed on these nations that did not in any way correspond to their way of life, traditions or these people's cultures. As a result, instead of democracy and freedom, there was chaos, outbreaks in violence and a series of upheavals. The Arab Spring turned into the Arab Winter."

Putin places the current effort to isolate and pressure Russia in a centuries-old pattern of Western hostility. In the Russian historic view, from the Napoleonic invasion to the Imperial Germans to the Nazis to the Americans, it has been a continuum of Western aggression. In Russian eyes, NATO is an offensive -- not a defensive -- organization. Look at Putin's language, referring to the "infamous policy of containment, led in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, (that) continues today." He continued, "They are constantly trying to sweep us into a corner."

He is also warning that he will not be "swept into a corner." As we impose various sanctions we should remember the depth of historic memory and determination Putin will bring to designing counterstrategies.

Putin suggests that he has been very patient, but that "with Ukraine, our Western partners have crossed the line, playing the bear and acting irresponsibly and unprofessionally."

Dramatic poll results

Now, having been forced to respond by Western provocations and aggressive actions, "Russia will also have to make a difficult decision now, taking into account the various domestic and external considerations. What do people here in Russia think? Here, like in any democratic country, people have different points of view, but I want to make the point that the absolute majority of our people clearly do support what is happening.

"The most recent public opinion surveys conducted here in Russia show that 95% of people think that Russia should protect the interests of Russians and members of other ethnic groups living in Crimea -- 95% of our citizens. More than 83% think that Russia should do this even if it will complicate our relations with some other countries. A total of 86% of our people see Crimea as still being Russian territory and part of our country's lands. And one particularly important figure, which corresponds exactly with the result in Crimea's referendum: almost 92% of our people support Crimea's reunification with Russia."

This outline of Russian public opinion has a single clear purpose. The Americans should not think he is under any pressure. Indeed, his defense (and remember, in his mind he is always on defense and never attacking) of fellow Russians is very popular.

Putin is almost certainly not as popular as those polls suggest, however.

Russians approve of Putin's job as president for now, but increasingly want new leadership in the future. Those are the findings of a new poll from Moscow's Levada Center. The survey, conducted from March 7 to 10 from a sampling of 1603 respondents in 45 regions, found that Putin's popularity rating remained high (72%), but that only 32% approved of Putin remaining in power after the 2018 elections. Nearly a quarter (22%) were amenable to a different candidate who would "continue the politics of Vladimir Putin," while almost a third (31%) expressed their desire for someone who could offer "different solutions to Russia's problems."

Opportunistic, clever and patient

Thus there is an opportunity for strategic efforts to make Putin much less survivable over time.

Nonetheless this is a very serious speech by a very determined national security professional who has spent his entire adult life trying to defend Great Russian nationalism. He is clearly determined to unify and rebuild the Russian Empire as quickly as he can.

Putin is not declaring any immediate moves. He will be opportunistic, clever, and patient. He fully expects to be in power long after Obama has left office.

Putin is not a problem. He is a fact.

What we do about him is a problem.

Any successful American response to Putin will have to be based on a realistic understanding of his thinking and his goals. It will also have to be based on a realistic sense of what America can accomplish in a multipolar world in which there are many powers who fear the United States a lot more than they fear Putin.

We have not even begun a serious discussion of the depth of this challenge.

It is time to drop the symbolic liberal fantasies and the tactics driven by press conferences, and to have a bipartisan national dialogue about the new national security situation we find ourselves in.

Follow us on Twitter @CNNOpinion.

Join us on Facebook.com/CNNOpinion.

{ 0 comments... read them below or add one }

Post a Comment